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Nostalgia 4 The Future (Espion Mix) download full album zip cd mp3 vinyl flac

Published 28.12.2019


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Racism makes us focus on the differences in our faces rather than our similarities, and in the alchemical experiment of the U. In response to endemic American racism, those of us who have been racially stigmatized cohere around our racial difference.

We take what white people hate about us, and we convert stigmata into pride, community and power. Our strength in numbers, in solidarity across our many differences of language, ethnicity, culture, religion, national ancestry and more, is the basis of being Asian American. He was a police officer and I am a professor. Does our being Asian bring us together across these ethnic and class divides?

Does our being Southeast Asian, both our communities brought here by an American war in our countries, mean we see the world in the same way? Did Tou Thao experience the anti-Asian racism that makes us all Asian, whether we want to be or not? Let me go back in time to a time being repeated today.

Even if I no longer remember how old I was when I saw these words, I have never forgotten them: Another American driven out of business by the Vietnamese. Perhaps I was 12 or The sign confused me, for while I had been born in Vietnam, I had grown up in Pennsylvania and California, and had absorbed all kinds of Americana: the Mayflower and the Pilgrims; cowboys and Indians; Audie Murphy and John Wayne; George Washington and Betsy Ross; the Pledge of Allegiance; the Declaration of Independence; the guarantee of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness; all the fantasy and folklore of the American Dream.

Part of that dream was being against communism and for capitalism, which suited my parents perfectly. They had been born poor to rural families, and without much formal schooling and using only their ingenuity and hard work, had become successful merchants.

They fled communist Vietnam inafter losing all of their property and most of their fortune. What they carried with them—including some gold and money sewn into the hems of their clothes—they used to buy a house next to the freeway in San Jose and to open the second Vietnamese grocery store there, in In a burst of optimism and nostalgia, they named their store the New Saigon.

I am now older than my parents were when they had to begin their lives anew in this country, with only a little English. What they did looms in my memory as a nearly unimaginable feat. In the age of coronavirus, I am uncertain how to sew a mask and worry about shopping for groceries. But there was no manual telling them how to buy a store that was not advertised as for sale. They called strangers and navigated bureaucracy in order to find the owners and persuade them to sell, all while suffering from the trauma of having lost their country and leaving almost all their relatives behind.

The news nearly broke her. Somehow the person who wrote this sign saw people like my mother and my father as less than human, as an enemy. This is why I am not surprised by the rising tide of anti-Asian racism in this country. We are coronavirus. I wonder: Did Tou Thao hear these kinds of jokes in Minnesota? What did he think of Fong Lee, Hmong American, 19 years old, shot eight times, four in the back, by Minneapolis police officer Jason Andersen in ? Andersen was acquitted by an all-white jury.

Confronted with anti-Asian racism from white people, the Hmong who came to the U. They just showed up. Unlike the engineers and doctors who mostly came from Hong Kong, Taiwan, China and India—the model minority in the American imagination—many Hmong refugees arrived from a rural life in Laos devastated by war.

Traumatized, they were resettled into the midst of poverty and a complicated history of racial oppression of which they had little awareness. Even the Hmong who condemn Tou Thao and argue for solidarity with Black Lives Matter insist that they should not be seen through the lens of the model-minority experience, should not be subject to liberal Asian-American guilt and hand-wringing over Tou Thao as a symbol of complicity.

Like the Hmong, the Vietnamese like myself suffered from war, and some are threatened by deportation now. Unlike many of the Hmong, a good number of Vietnamese refugees became, deliberately or otherwise, a part of the model minority, including myself. The low-level racism I experienced happened in elite environments.

By the time I entered my mostly white, exclusive, private high school, the message was clear to me and the few of us who were of Asian descent. No longer the threat of the Asian invasion, we were, instead, the model minority: the desirable classmate, the favored neighbor, the nonthreatening kind of person of color.

Or were we? A couple of Asian-American students talked to me afterward and said they still felt it. The vibe. The feeling of being foreign, especially if they were, or were perceived to be, Muslim, or brown, or Middle Eastern.

Racism is not just the physical assault. I have never been physically assaulted because of my appearance. But I had been assaulted by the racism of the airwaves, the ching-chong jokes of radio shock jocks, the villainous or comical japs and chinks and gooks of American war movies and comedies. Like many Asian Americans, I learned to feel a sense of shame over the things that supposedly made us foreign: our food, our language, our haircuts, our fashion, our smell, our parents.

At the same time, anti-Asian sentiment remained a reservoir of major feeling from which Americans could always draw in a time of crisis. Asian Americans still do not wield enough Nostalgia 4 The Future (Espion Mix) power, or have enough cultural presence, to make many of our fellow Americans hesitate in deploying a racist idea. Our unimportance and our historical status as the perpetual foreigner in the U.

The basis of anti-Asian racism is that Asians belong in Asia, no matter how many generations we have actually lived in non-Asian countries, or what we might have done to prove our belonging to non-Asian countries if we were not born there.

Pointing the finger at Asians in Asia, or Asians in non-Asian countries, has been a tried and true method of racism for a long time; in the U. It was then that the U. When their usefulness was over, American politicians, journalists and business leaders demonized them racially to appease white workers who felt threatened by Chinese competition.

The result was white mobs lynching Chinese migrants, driving them en masse out of towns and burning down Chinatowns.

The climax of anti-Chinese feeling was the passage of the Chinese Exclusion Act, the first racially discriminatory immigration law in American history, which would turn Chinese entering the U.

The Immigration and Naturalization Service was created, policing Chinese immigration and identifying Chinese who had come into the U. American history has been marked by the cycle of big businesses relying on cheap Asian labor, which threatened the white working class, whose fears were stoked by race-baiting politicians and media, leading to catastrophic events like the Chinese Exclusion Act and the internment of Japanese Americans in The person who wrote that sign I remember seeing as a child, blaming the Vietnamese for destroying American businesses, was simply telling a story about the yellow peril that was always available for fearful Americans.

The reality was that downtown San Jose in the s and s was shabby, a run-down place where almost no one wanted to open new businesses, except for Vietnamese refugees. Today, Americans rely on China and other Asian countries for cheap commodities that help Americans live the American Dream, then turn around and blame the Chinese for the loss of American jobs or the rise of American vulnerability to economic competition.

It is easier to blame a foreign country or a minority, or even politicians who negotiate trade agreements, than to identify the real power: corporations and economic elites who shift jobs, maximize profit at the expense of workers and care nothing for working Americans. To acknowledge this reality is far too disturbing for many Americans, who resort to blaming Asians as a simpler answer. Asian Americans have not forgotten this anti-Asian history, and yet many have hoped that it was behind them.

And is there anything more American than joining the police? Did Tou Thao think he was proving his belonging by becoming a cop? None of these efforts have prevented the stubborn persistence of anti-Asian racism. Calling for more sacrifices simply reiterates the sense that Asian Americans are not American and must constantly prove an Americanness that should not need to be proven.

Japanese Americans had to prove their Americanness during World War II by fighting against Germans and Japanese while their families were incarcerated, but German and Italian Americans never had to prove their Americanness to the same extent. German and Italian Americans were selectively imprisoned for suspected or actual disloyalty, while Japanese Americans were incarcerated en masse, their race marking them as un-American.

Asian Americans are caught between the perception that we are inevitably foreign and the temptation that we can be allied with white people in a country built on white supremacy. As a result, anti-Black and anti-brown and anti-Native racism runs deep in Asian-American communities.

Immigrants and refugees, including Asian ones, know that we usually have to start low on the ladder of American success. But no matter how low down we are, we know that America allows us to stand on the shoulders of Black, brown and Native people.

Throughout Asian-American history, Asian immigrants and their descendants have been offered the opportunity by both Black people and white people to choose sides in the Black-white racial divide, and we have far too often chosen the white side. Asian Americans, while actively critical of anti-Asian racism, have not always stood up against anti-Black racism.

Frequently, we have gone along with the status quo and affiliated with white people. And yet there have been vocal Asian Americans who have called for solidarity with Black people and other people of color, from the activist Yuri Kochiyama, who cradled a dying Malcolm X, to the activist Grace Lee Boggs, who settled in Detroit and engaged in serious, radical organizing and theorizing with her Black husband James Boggs.

Kochiyama and Lee Boggs were far from the only Asian Americans who argued that Asian Americans should not stand alone or stand only for themselves. The very term Asian American, coined in the s by Yuji Ichioka and Emma Gee and adopted by college student activists, was brought to national consciousness by a movement that was about more than just defending Asian Americans against racism and promoting an Asian-American identity. Asian-American activists saw their movement as also being antiwar, anti-imperialism and anticapitalism.

Taking inspiration from the Bandung Conference, a gathering of nonaligned African and Asian nations, and from Mao, they located themselves in an international struggle against colonialism with other colonized peoples. Mao also inspired radical African Americans, and the late s in the U.

The legacy of the Third World and Asian-American movements continues today among Asian-American activists and scholars, who have long argued that Asian Americans, because of their history of experiencing racism and labor exploitation, offer a radical potential for contesting the worst aspects of American society.

As a result, we often have divergent political viewpoints. While Asian Americans increasingly trend Democratic, we are far from all being radical. What usually unifies Asian Americans and enrages us is anti-Asian racism and murder, beginning with the anti-Chinese violence and virulence of the 19th century and continuing through incidents like a white gunman killing five Vietnamese and Cambodian refugee children in a Stockton, Calif.

The murder of Vincent Chin, killed in by white Detroit autoworkers who mistook him for Japanese, remains a rallying cry. Korean-American merchants suffered about half of the economic damage. Two Asian Americans were killed in the violence. All of this is cause for mourning, remembrance and outrage, but so is something else: the 61 other people who died were not Asian, and the majority of them were Black or brown.

Nostalgia 4 The Future (Espion Mix) of the more than 12, people who were arrested were also Black or brown. In short, Korean Americans suffered economic losses, as well as emotional and psychic damage, that would continue for years afterward.

But they had property to lose, and they did not pay the price of their tenuous Americanness through the same loss of life or liberty as experienced by their Black and brown customers and neighbors. In the aftermath, Koreatown was rebuilt, although not all of the shopkeepers recovered their livelihoods.

Some of the money that rebuilt Koreatown came, ironically, from South Korea, which had enjoyed a decades-long transformation into an economic powerhouse. South Korean capital, and eventually South Korean pop culture, especially cinema and K-pop, became cooler and more fashionable than the Korean immigrants who had left South Korea for the American Dream.

Their expertise is transformational, and we want it out and in the marketplace, where it can solve problems, spark innovations, and make a real difference. We want to create a culture that promotes aspiration, builds community, encourages growth, and attracts the best and brightest to invest their energies and to work and study at Georgia Southern. So, as I ride along and look at the countryside below me, I am reminded that we do the things we do because we want to have a positive impact on our state, region and country.

Thankful for our thousands of alumni and for the way they represent our College and University. I am thankful for our faculty and staff and for their hard work, professionalism, and commitment to our mission. His favorite part of his job is leading soldiers in the United States Armed Forces. Although playing football under Erk Russell was a strong influence in his leadership development, the Georgia Southern ROTC program and the School of Business were the two programs that truly developed his leadership skills and prepared him for his career as a military officer.

Professor and Mrs. Stewart not only encouraged Sean Nostalgia 4 The Future (Espion Mix) succeed in business school, but they also supported him in his personal life while he was a student athlete. Sean and his wife have two children. Their daughter recently graduated from George Mason University, and their son is a sophomore at the University of Virginia. The primary purpose of the annual Accounting EIR program, now in its 21 st year, is to bring high-profile, highly successful executives to campus to encourage and advise students on how they, too, can have meaningful and rewarding careers.

Mike shared his professional journey with the attendees, which included students, faculty and local accounting professionals. He found his calling by combining his expertise in law with his solid accounting and business training to start in the new field of compliance.

Ensuring business managers are sensitive to their regulatory responsibilities while planning effective business growth opportunities is what makes compliance the ideal field for Mike. He said he was told many years ago that, when he could wake up in the morning and be excited to get to work, he would know he had found his calling.

Mike has hired many employees over the years, and he encouraged all students in attendance to never stop learning and working hard. Then, after years of work with a mix of success and occasional failure, he said they will find their passions. Mike has decided to give back to the School of Accountancy by becoming an active member of the Accounting Advisory Council.

Mike holds J. He holds active certifications as a Certified Regulatory Compliance Manager, Certified Anti-Money Laundering Specialist, Certified Information Privacy Professional, and Certified Public Accountant and is an active member of the Virginia Bar in addition to being a frequent speaker and author on compliance and risk topics.

The Fraud Examination program made its annual student trip to the federal prison located in Jesup, Georgia, on October 28, Since the only experience most people have with prisons is what they see on TV or in the movies, about 25 students and faculty had a very unique experience—by actually spending three hours in prison.

The prison staff emphasized that its medium security facility is not a prison to punish but a place to rehabilitate inmates. Instead, the goal of the federal prison is to allow human beings to realize their wrongdoings and prepare for their release dates and start over in life as productive members of society. To accomplish this, the group of Georgia Southern College of Business visitors were told, and it was observed, that all inmates are kept busy and productive.

The tour included walk-throughs of the yard, library, educational, medical, Nostalgia 4 The Future (Espion Mix), counseling, recreational, religious, housing and dining areas. Many prisons have factories for contracted government needs remember license plates? The facility produces clothing and stenciling for numerous federal law enforcement agencies. The group not only toured the plant floor as work was in progress but also walked through the administrative offices and observed inmates doing paperwork and accounting.

Assistant Golf Professional James Kittinger gave a presentation of the correct business etiquette to abide by on the course while also explaining the basics of the game of golf.

The members were then instructed on the proper hand placement when holding the golf club and the optimal technique to swing the club and hit the ball. Everyone then put these new-found skills to use by practicing and sending balls down the range as they molded their individual swings and tailored their shots to perfection. To wrap up the outing, students were invited to a cookout of hotdogs, hamburgers and sides catered by the Georgia Southern Nostalgia 4 The Future (Espion Mix) Association while participating in a trivia game-based giveaway of College of Business-themed swag.

His research data used a rental health insurance experiment conducted from — Data were collected from 2, U. The data included the co-insurance rates charged for both in- and out-patient treatment. Brunt fitted an ordinary least squares OLS model with results suggesting moral hazard but not adverse selection in service utilization and risk.

The model controlled for the Medicare and Medicaid gaps with supplemental insurance that impacts the selection process of insurance.

His research showed the members of the student organization how diversity affected the insurance rate and how doctors made changes according to patient insurance policies. Brunt also showed the students how to interpret numerical data in research and analysis.


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